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1 mara
mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}Church Slavic:Russian:mára, mará `apparition, mirage;(dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]Belorussian:mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;(dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]Ukrainian:mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]Slovak:Polish:mara `dream, illusion, ghost, (dial.) nightly spirit that attacks people and horses in their sleep' [f ā]Slovincian:Upper Sorbian:Bulgarian:Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂Certainty: +Page in Pokorny: 693Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy. -
2 màzati
màzati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `smear, anoint'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25Old Church Slavic:Russian:mázat' `smear, oil, grease' [verb], mážu [1sg], mážet [3sg]Czech:Slovak:Polish:mazać `smear' [verb]Serbo-Croatian:mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȁžēm [1sg];Čak. mȁzati (Vrgada) `soil, besmirch' [verb], mȁžeš [2sg];mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb];Čak. mȁzat (Orbanići) `smear, grease' [verb], mȃžen [1sg]Slovene:mázati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȃžem [1sg]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moʔź-Lithuanian:mė́žti `manure, muck out'Latvian:muõzêt `gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat' [verb]Page in Pokorny: 696Comments: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *màzati and Lith. mė́žti `manure, muck out', Latv. mêzt `muck out, sweep' and muõzêt `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *màzati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muõzêt, cf. Ru. smázat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *màzati with Gk. μάσσω (aor. pass. μαγη̃ναι) `knead' (provided that the root is not μακ- instead of μαγ-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhōn, OS makōn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh₂ǵ- (*maǵ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mė́žti, Latv. mêzt. -
3 mě̑xъ
mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221Old Church Slavic:měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]Russian:mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Czech:měch `bag, net' [m o];míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]Upper Sorbian:měch `bag, bellows' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]Slovene:mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣósLithuanian:maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}Latvian:màiss `bag' [m o]Old Prussian:moasis (EV) `bellows'Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-IE meaning: ramCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 747Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.Other cognates:Skt. meṣá- `ram';Notes:\{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'. -
4 měšъkъ
mě̑xъ; měšъkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bag (made from skin)'Page in Trubačev: XVIII 156-159, 220-221Old Church Slavic:měxъ `wine-skin' [m o]Russian:mešók `bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Czech:měch `bag, net' [m o];míšek `purse, small bag' [m o], mešká [Gens]Slovak:Polish:Slovincian:mjìex `bag, bellows' [m o]Upper Sorbian:měch `bag, bellows' [m o]Serbo-Croatian:mȉjeh `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȉjeha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Vrgada) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o], mȋha [Gens];Čak. mȋh (Novi) `bellows, wine-skin' [m o];Čak. miȇh (Vrgada) `bellows, bag-pipes' [m o], miȇhe [Locs]Slovene:mẹ̑h `fur, wine-skin, bellows, leather bag' [m o/u], mẹ̑ha [Gens], mẹhȗ [Gens];mẹ̑šǝk `small bellows' [m o]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moiṣósLithuanian:maĩšas `bag, sack' [m o] 4 \{2\}Latvian:màiss `bag' [m o]Old Prussian:moasis (EV) `bellows'Indo-European reconstruction: moiso-IE meaning: ramCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 747Comments: I feel that we should not attach too much importance to De Vries's observation that with respect to Germanic it is unwarranted to start from an original meaning `Tragkorb aus Fell' (1962: 382). In fact, the same would apply to the Baltic forms. I consider the semantic similarity between, for instance, Lith. maĩšas `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz' (note that the meaning `net' is also attested in Slavic), OIc. heymeiss `hay-sack' and Eng. (dial.) maiz `large, light hay-basket' sufficient evidence for the etymological identity of the Germanic and the Balto-Slavic forms. MoIr. moais `bag, hamper', moaiseog `wicker basket' is doubtless a borrowing from Germanic.Other cognates:Skt. meṣá- `ram';Notes:\{1\} The plural noun mexí means `fur bag, wine-skin'. \{2\} Friedrich Kurschat's dictionary (1883) mentions the more specific meaning `ein aus Schnüren gestricktes Heunetz'. -
5 avě
avě Grammatical information: adv. Proto-Slavic meaning: `manifestly'Page in Trubačev: I 93-94Old Church Slavic:javě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv];avě `manifestly, openly, clearly' [adv]Serbo-Croatian:Bulgarian:áve `in reality' [adv];jáve `in reality' [adv]Macedonian:Lithuanian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₂ēu-ēisIE meaning: apparentlyCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 78Comments: OLith. ovyje `in reality' is sometimes regarded as a borrowing from Slavic but there are no compelling arguments for this view. The absence of initial j- rather points in the direction of an etymological relationship, cf. jovnai `openly', which is a borrowing from Belorussian. In that case we would have to start from a PBSl. i-stem *āv-i- (cf. Anikin 1998: 21, see also s.v. javiti). On the other hand, it seems possible that the form ovyje, whose oldest attestations are two occurrences in Daukša, is based on Church Slavic (j)avě. The Slavic adverb in turn may have been borrowed from Iranian (Lubotsky p.c.).Other cognates:Skt. āvíṣ `apparently, noticeably' [adv];
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